African Union Peace And Security Architecture PdfBy Emerenciana S. In and pdf 22.05.2021 at 07:20 5 min read
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- Implementing Peace and Security Architecture (III): West Africa
- The African Peace and Security Architecture
- African Peace and Security Architecture
The APSA evolved in the late s, when the African continent was confronted with severe crises such as the civil war in Somalia , which was ongoing since , and the genocide in Rwanda
This article focuses on the establishment of the Panel of the Wise in the African Union peace and security architecture. It examines the basis, design and role of the Panel, and explores the possibilities that can be employed by the Panel in promoting the internalisation of peace and security in Africa. The writer makes recommendations in respect of the membership, norms and mandate scope of the Panel, and expresses confidence that, if properly designed and operationalised, the Panel will make a difference in the peace and security architecture of the African Union.
Implementing Peace and Security Architecture (III): West Africa
Indeed, these visits to a continent that is composed of a diverse group of 54 countries with different challenges on the one hand, and plenty of opportunities on the other, reflect the growing attention towards Africa.
Perhaps more importantly, they signal a changing posture, which is characterised by not merely talking about Africa, but by intentionally talking with Africa as a partner of equal standing. While migration to Europe seems to continue to be the main driver in the cooperation with various African countries, economic development and improvement of business conditions have become key features of German Africa policy.
Private investments and better trade relations between African countries and the European Union can stimulate economic growth and revive the labour market, while development cooperation can help promote a business-friendly environment. Creating job perspectives for the young generation is vital in mitigating migration and keeping the much-needed innovative and intellectual potential in the African countries. Yet the question remains to what extent APSA and the support it receives from Germany are adequately positioned to respond to current and future threats on the African continent, especially in terms of conflict resolution and preventive action.
The African countries have made great progress in reducing the number of violent conflicts since the end of the Cold War, despite a slight increase in more recent times. Simultaneously, however, the nature of security threats has changed substantially over the past years.
This includes, among other things, a rising level of popular protests and riots across Africa. Furthermore, transnational and, in particular, Islamist terrorism as well as organised crime are growing threats, especially in North Africa, across the Sahel region and at the Horn of Africa.
Violent conflicts and crises have emerged from various forms of grievances and frustrations, most notably driven by unmet socio-economic needs, negative impacts of climate change and population growth. Accordingly, there is a strong, long-term connection between the two continents.
However, responding to current security challenges is not an easy task given their complex nature and the underlying dynamics that result in a rapidly changing security environment. The African Peace and Security Architecture, established in under the umbrella of the African Union, is the central framework encompassing a set of institutions, legislations and mechanisms for peace and security on the African continent.
To make peaceful and sustainable development possible, APSA pools various instruments that contribute to conflict resolution and stabilisation in Africa. Since the establishment of APSA, the AU and regional organisations have made significant progress in terms of peace and security by deploying peacekeeping operations as well as election observer missions, and by engaging in conflict mediation, despite setbacks in some parts of the continent.
Overall, African capabilities regarding the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts have grown substantially. Many interventions conducted by the AU and RECs have been successful or partially successful in either preventing or de-escalating conflicts. However, almost 15 years after the establishment of APSA, there are still a number of major challenges and shortcomings with respect to the APSA instruments.
The best-known instrument, apart from mediation, preventive diplomacy and early warning, is the African Standby Force ASF. And although the AU and regional organisations have successfully contributed to resolving conflicts and establishing peace in some areas for instance with their mediation efforts in Gambia under the leadership of ECOWAS , the future of APSA and especially of the ASF is more uncertain than ever — for at least two reasons.
The first key challenge arises from the limited availability of resources, because the ASF is dependent on the contributions of its RECs. Specifically, achieving full operational capability, readiness and independence has been hampered by deficits in administration, logistics and financial sustainability. In contrast to the military and police components, the civilian component for deploying specialists in peacekeeping missions is still underdeveloped, despite notable efforts by the African Union and the RECs.
There are not enough experts appropriately qualified and trained for deployment. In addition, there are enormous discrepancies across the continent concerning the speed at which qualified personnel is assigned. The AU has tried to coordinate the process, but has limited powers, as the RECs enjoy a high degree of freedom in this respect. The training and participation of women in peacekeeping missions is another pivotal area that deserves much more political attention, and which should be enforced at the operational level, as women are evidently instrumental in encouraging peaceful development.
In fact, a far greater effort will be required to successfully implement the corresponding UN Resolution Furthermore, the reliance on pledged troop contingents from the RECs and their dependence on their member states puts additional pressure on the ASF. The focus of institutional security engagements already seems to be shifting away from the ASF towards other security mechanisms. At the same time, the relevance of UN missions has remained unchanged.
Due to their reimbursement system, these missions cover significant parts of the defence budgets of those African countries that contribute troops. Against this background and in view of the current shortage of resources, it is unlikely that the troop-contributing countries will withdraw their military personnel from financially lucrative UN missions and support the ASF instead. The second key challenge for the ASF arises from the evolution of new and partially competing ad-hoc security arrangements outside the APSA framework.
In fact, recent developments on the continent are raising doubts as to whether the ASF is really an appropriate instrument or concept to intervene in future conflicts at all. Its strength lies in the multi-dimensional approach that intentionally combines military, police and civilian components. It seems, however, that a number of African countries prefer mechanisms that primarily suit their own national interests and allow a more rapid response.
In addition, political attention and limited financial resources are being focused on the G5 Sahel, for instance, in the fight against terrorism and organised crime in the Sahel region. This raises the question whether purely military solutions are becoming the preferred method for achieving seemingly rapid resolutions to conflicts, to the extent that they are essentially replacing the ASF with its multi-dimensional character, which is intentionally civilian.
But this is not the only problem created by the competing structures. Regional organisations with a clear security mandate, such as G5 Sahel and the ad-hoc coalitions, have also created coordination problems. Although stronger coordination is needed from the regional through to the national level, and even up to the AU and its decision-making body, the Peace and Security Council PSC , there has clearly been a lack of political will to draw on available capacities.
Divisions among AU member states on how to position themselves regarding violent conflicts are largely determined by national and regional political interests. While APSA has been established as a platform for a continent-wide approach to conflict resolution, current developments tend to favour national or regional solutions, leaving the AU partially sidelined and undermining the effectiveness of APSA and its instruments. The question then remains to which extent APSA can be used as a forum to bridge gaps between heterogeneous national interests.
However, these countries face various internal conflicts and diverse political challenges that limit their room for manoeuvre in contributing to peace and security on the continent. In addition, there are reasonable doubts regarding whether and to what degree all other countries would accept their leading role.
Given these difficult circumstances, and as a precondition for joint action and the appropriate use of the various instruments, a first key step would be to develop a shared understanding of security threats. The AU could provide the necessary framework and the platform for this crucial discussion. Despite the shortcomings and the pressure that rests on the African Union, APSA remains indispensable for peace and security on the continent.
Germany should continue to be a reliable partner for the AU and support the development of military, police and civilian capacities for the ASF. At the same time, support for mediation and diplomacy as well as early warning should also be strengthened to prevent these areas from falling behind. The development of capacities within the AU is even more important today. Overall, there are four dimensions that deserve consideration when it comes to supporting APSA in the future:.
PDF Version:. Jan Grebe. The African continent was at the focus of political attention more than once, and the Federal Government launched a large number of major initiatives. Germany, holding the presidency of the G20 group, invited numerous African heads of state and government to the summit in Hamburg. For the first time in its history, the G20 featured Africa as a regional priority and in this context established a new political partnership with Africa.
The Marshall Plan with Africa, presented in early by the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, aims to bring about a paradigm shift in cooperation with African countries that will focus on the people and facilitate direct investments. Africa therefore seems to be gaining in importance on the political agenda. This raises a number of questions: Where are we now in terms of peace and security — factors of paramount importance to development and economic growth — on the African continent?
The evolution of an African Peace and Security Architecture The African countries have made great progress in reducing the number of violent conflicts since the end of the Cold War, despite a slight increase in more recent times.
Overall, there are four dimensions that deserve consideration when it comes to supporting APSA in the future: While APSA continues to have notable shortcomings, turning the principle of non-interference, which characterised the pre-AU period, into a shared credo of non-indifference does represent a major paradigm shift.
This also shows a fundamentally new approach and must be seen as a profound statement by all 54 African countries concerning their willingness to assume responsibility for the pressing security challenges on their continent. Current developments are fuelling the debate over the definition and understanding of security and the requirements for regional security systems.
And this debate must not be carried out purely at the academic level. In practice, the motive determining the activities of African countries in the area of security policy should always be to uphold democratic principles, and the AU must be prepared to intervene wherever necessary. This includes overcoming political disputes, developing a common understanding and putting pressure on states that try to prevent joint political action in the various committees of the AU and the RECs.
Since the inception of APSA, it is not only the world at large, but especially the security environment on the African continent that has become even more complex and challenging. This means even stronger efforts in terms of national, regional and international cooperation and coordination are necessary, in addition to a genuine African commitment. APSA should certainly not be abandoned. Instead, new modes of cooperation and meaningful interfaces should be developed alongside established security mechanisms and new initiatives.
As Germany supports APSA and various other mechanisms, it should promote an inclusive approach and help to enable better consultation and cooperation between these various instruments.
In addition, Germany should promote a focus on capacity-development within the AU and the RECs to ensure the operability of these organisations and long-term financial independence from external sources of support. Germany should not accept the current emphasis on quick military solutions. Stability in Africa is more than the absence of violent conflicts and requires a holistic approach that takes a multitude of aspects into account.
Economic development and income-generating jobs for the predominantly young African population are crucial for peaceful development. The same applies to promoting human security and good governance. This would help to attract foreign capital. Germany is a long-standing partner of African security organisations and has been supporting not only APSA but also various RECs and capacity-development efforts at the national level.
Despite the positive developments in the past, a greater effort and additional resources from the AU and the RECs will be necessary to identify crises at an early stage and, wherever possible, to prevent further escalation. Early warning mechanisms do not only require human resources, but also long-term financial funding. Working Paper topic:.
The African Peace and Security Architecture
This article looks at the relationship between the United Nations and the African Union in peacekeeping settings. It also takes into account the role played by the regional economic organizations in this context. The article analysis the existing legal framework as well as the evolving practice, underlying the increasing institutionalization of such relationships. After scrutinizing the framework partnership, it looks into the Central African Republic experience with the aim of asserting whether and to what extent such framework has been applied. Durban, South Africa.
Indeed, these visits to a continent that is composed of a diverse group of 54 countries with different challenges on the one hand, and plenty of opportunities on the other, reflect the growing attention towards Africa. Perhaps more importantly, they signal a changing posture, which is characterised by not merely talking about Africa, but by intentionally talking with Africa as a partner of equal standing. While migration to Europe seems to continue to be the main driver in the cooperation with various African countries, economic development and improvement of business conditions have become key features of German Africa policy. Private investments and better trade relations between African countries and the European Union can stimulate economic growth and revive the labour market, while development cooperation can help promote a business-friendly environment. Creating job perspectives for the young generation is vital in mitigating migration and keeping the much-needed innovative and intellectual potential in the African countries.
African Peace and Security Architecture
Still, reform is essential to give the organisation new impetus, and is ever more urgent as insecurity worsens throughout the Sahel and Lake Chad regions. The Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS , now in its 41st year, has a formidable record, both in its efforts to enhance regional economic integration, its initial mandate, and to promote peace in a particularly turbulent region. Still, the organisation has demonstrated shortcomings requiring significant institutional change.
Springer Professional. Back to the search result list. Table of Contents. Hint Swipe to navigate through the chapters of this book Close hint. Abstract This chapter assesses the progress, problems, and prospects of achieving the objectives of the African Standby Force ASF , which has been conceived as a continental rapid deployment force composed of troop contributions—regional standby brigades—from Southern, West, Eastern, Central, and North Africa.
With existing literature focusing largely on Western perspectives of peace and their applications, and with the rise of increasingly more violent conflicts in international relations, a global understanding of peace is much needed.
Over the past 15 years, the AU—UN partnership in peace and security has evolved significantly, both in breadth and depth. Nonetheless, the partnership faces obstacles to the full realisation of its shared goal of a conflict-free African continent. Debates over political primacy and institutional leadership narrow cooperation on the most sensitive files such as Libya or Cameroon. Unresolved questions concerning financial resources and burden-sharing in peacekeeping and counter-extremism efforts continue to linger.
Faithful to the AU Vision of an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa that is driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the global arena;. Fully conscious of the persistence of violent conflict and crisis situations and other threats to peace and security in Africa, which require renewed and concerted efforts in order to effectively address them; recognizing the threat posed by the impact of climate change to national cohesion, in terms of managing scarce natural resources in the Continent;. Taking note of the Bamako initiative of 29 November , on access to natural resources and conflicts between the communities; in this regard, looking forward to a substantive discussion by Council on the thematic agenda on strengthening governance systems in the management of natural resources between and among communities;. Ambassador Smail Chergui; also noting with appreciation the experiences and lessons learned shared on national reconciliation, restoration of peace and rebuilding of cohesion by Algeria, Angola, Mali and Rwanda, as countries invited to make presentations on the theme of the meeting.
У них там прямо-таки дискотека! - пролопотал Бринкерхофф. Фонтейн смотрел в окно, пытаясь понять, что происходит. За несколько лет работы ТРАНСТЕКСТА ничего подобного не случалось. Перегрелся, подумал. Интересно, почему Стратмор его до сих пор не отключил. Ему понадобилось всего несколько мгновений, чтобы принять решение. Фонтейн схватил со стола заседаний трубку внутреннего телефона и набрал номер шифровалки.
This Report was Commissioned by the African Union's Peace and Security Chapter I: The African Peace and Security Architecture: The Akosombo union.org/root/au/publications/PSC/Early%20Warning%lab591.org
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Дэвид Беккер умрет. Халохот поднимался вверх с пистолетом в руке, прижимаясь вплотную к стене на тот случай, если Беккер попытается напасть на него сверху. Железные подсвечники, установленные на каждой площадке, стали бы хорошим оружием, если бы Беккер решил ими воспользоваться. Но если держать дистанцию, можно заметить его вовремя. У пистолета куда большая дальность действия, чем у полутораметрового подсвечника. Халохот двигался быстро, но осторожно.
Он не находил слов. - Ты знаешь ее фамилию. Двухцветный задумался и развел руками. - Каким рейсом она летит. - Она сказала, колымагой.
Бринкерхофф не знал, что на это ответить. - Ты утверждаешь, что Стратмор намеренно запустил в ТРАНСТЕКСТ вирус. - Нет! - отрезала. - Не думаю, что он знал, что имеет дело с вирусом. Я думаю, он был введен в заблуждение.